** As featured on Comment is Free

THERE’S A LOT IN A NAME. AS A FORM OF INDENTIFICATION NAMES PROVIDE A FINE SERVICE, more personable than a numbering system 1 to 7 billion and one that prevents social interaction from degenerating into “you, the one with the hair” and a range of vague descriptions. They aren’t without their problems, though: none more of a quagmire than what happens to a woman’s name if she gets married.

Though sense would respond with “Nothing, why should it?”, when it comes to marriage and female autonomy, sense has no place.

The reasons that were used to justify a woman losing her name up until the mid-20th century are in the modern context, irrelevant. Few couples wake up in a cold sweat over proving an heir and who will inherit the land and the town house. Despite what fathers still giving away their daughters suggests, if you rank people’s reasons for saying “I do”, passing a woman between estates most likely won’t even make the top three.

In our minds at least, marriage has moved on. The same however can’t be said for what we do with our names.

Despite an estimated 50% of UK brides bucking the trend, be it in law or culture, the assumption that a woman will take her husband’s name persists. You’ll do well to find a newlywed who isn’t greeted with “Mrs” despite having no intention to be anything but a “Ms”; the decision to keep her name still perceived as different enough to be of note.

Faced with the patriarchal status quo and the warm glow of history, it seems we can’t help but get a little teary. Slotted somewhere next to the thinking that a wedding is a woman’s chance to (finally) be a princess, it’s apparently a sign of love to sacrifice the name that’s been yours since birth. As pop tells young girls a man’s name is the ultimate gift, some would be concerned for the state of modern romance. I’d suggest starting with squashed flowers from the local garage and working up from there.

Ultimately, of course, the pull is tradition. The antiquated past in this case being a positive to embrace.

Tradition, however, can be abandoned. If indoor toilets and women no longer being tethered to the sink have taught us anything, there might be even be benefits to it.

Far more fun than thank you cards, there can be no greater post-wedding game than sitting down, rejecting convention, and figuring out what you’re going to be called.

The obvious option is to keep your name as it was before. It has the advantage of respecting both genders as equal, and most importantly allows girls you haven’t spoken to since school to still be recognisable on social networking sites.

For many there’s an appeal in the change, though, of the sense of family unit that comes in not only sharing a home but a name. It’s a strategy of particular use if children come along, allowing you to avoid the fight between names that usually results in the one enduring childbirth having theirs consigned to the dustbin of life.

Double-barrelling is a classic for this purpose – though in ducking feminism and entering straight into class warfare, it isn’t without problems of its own.

Some men have started to take their wife’s name and the world as yet hasn’t ended. That they have to do it via deed poll rather than the simple tick of a box offered to women just ensures the law can confirm they’re indeed weird.

Luckily the newest marital name trend has ensured the long search for a solution is over. Couples are now “meshing”: blending the key syllables of both of their surnames to form a brand new sparkling one. For the romantics, it’s the ultimate union – and allows the fortunate to discard the shackles of mediocrity and swap Granger and Den for “Danger”.

It’s the same principle used by the media to morph the first name of celebrities. You and your betrothed will be just like Brangelina, but instead of gossip spreads you’ll have bank statements. When my own sister married Ben and gave up the Ryan name, it seemed only natural he would from that day be known as Bryan.

The possibilities are endless. This is your chance to get creative, to find something better than a tradition that says having a womb is reason to start married life by submitting your identity to another. Then again, calling yourself 6,575,689,967 makes more sense than that.

** As featured on The New Statesman

HAVE YOU HEARD THE ONE ABOUT THE STRUGGLING WOMAN AND THE RAPIST TRYING TO pin her down? Rape is funny. It’s quite the joke, and Facebook apparently doesn’t mind if you spend your time swapping fantasised tales of abuse.

In between talk of Greys Anatomy and the annoying ones from X Factor, the global social networking site is home to pages dedicated to discussing rape in a positive light. “You know she’s playing hard to get when your (sic) chasing her down an alleyway“,”Riding your Girlfriend softly, Cause you don’t want to wake her up” and other delights have been on the site for months, places where fans can discuss strategies of forcing women into sex and split their sides laughing at the thought.  That this is, according to Facebook, acceptable, is the truly sick joke.

In response to calls to take the pages down, the site released a statement declaring that “groups that express an opinion on a state, institution, or set of beliefs — even if that opinion is outrageous or offensive to some — do not by themselves violate our policies.” A quick read of the site’s own terms and conditions confirms this is very much not the case. It is there in black and white with, “You will not post content that: is hateful, threatening, or pornographic; incites violence; or contains nudity or graphic or gratuitous violence”. According to Facebook, talking about raping your friend’s girlfriend to see “if she can put up a fight” is neither violent nor hateful, and advocating such a scenario is a “belief”. Not for the first time, we are told rape is something to be trivialised — the special crime that can be actively promoted with the confidence that few will bat an eye.

It’s not a newsflash that the internet is home to some deranged, offensive language — in many ways, it is the place where good taste comes to die. A distasteful liberation comes from the anonymity, as the author is comforted by the knowledge that they cannot be seen behind the screen. It’s a sense of security that is often misleading, it being illegal to stir up hatred on the grounds of race, religion or sexual orientation. When it comes to hatred on the grounds of gender, however, there is no such legislation, with anyone free to whip up misogyny to their sweaty fingered content.

Be it Facebook policy or our own laws, abuse against women is treated differently; separated and viewed as lesser than that leveled at other marginalised groups. The rules that would rightly apply if the victim were black, Muslim or gay are deemed irrelevant if the victim is female. The hate spouted based on this factor is not a type that counts. Women, it seems, do not count.

We exist in a culture that views the abuse of women as something less than serious. Rape can be encouraged on global networking sites, just as t-shirts and hair products can be sold based on the concept of coming home to your boyfriend and being smacked round the face. Facebook says it with confidence — if directed at women, violence is a joke. But abuse is abuse. That which is based on gender should be seen not simply as offensive, but a hate crime like anything else.

** As featured on New Left Project

I HADN’T BEEN TO A WEDDING IN WHAT I HAD WORKED OUT WAS TWELVE YEARS, BACK   when I was four foot something and it was socially acceptable to fidget during hymns.

I was unimpressed, I remember that much, though I had always been the odd child who had never liked the fuss. You find yourself back there, as grown-ups do, watching another ceremony surrounded by distant female relatives in seismic hats.

“Marriage”, the clergy in charge will proclaim, “is a union between a man and a woman.”

It’s the definition of civility, to have the rules laid out for you. Useful too, in case you were planning a revolt or those dozing at the back just wanted clarification. I had heard the same line at my sister’s civil ceremony the month prior, though the registrar had had the good grace to look a little ashamed.

She may no longer need to, thanks to the ’Marriage Equality’ commission – or at least won’t by 2015, as these things do take time.

Centuries deemed to be the joining of a husband and wife for (a bit of property exchange and) procreation, this could fundamentally re-define the historic definition of marriage. For an institution obstinate in its antiquation, the enormity of this should not be underestimated.

It’s without doubt a move to rejoice over, but rather than get distracted by the glitzy appeal of long-drawn out legislation, let’s look at what we will actually be getting. (If the Government’s proposing, it’s only sensible to read the pre-nup.)

What’s being offered is a consultation, not legislation, and one that had been promised to start back in June. It’s now scheduled for spring – with no word on why ending discrimination needs debating or why to do so there needs be a delay. The purpose is to work towards the legalisation of same-sex marriage. This does not however include straight civil partnerships nor, crucially, anything but civil gay marriage. Religious marriage will continue to be solely between a man and a woman, and despite only being at the discussion stage, this aspect will not be included. Those religious bodies who want to practice non-discrimination will not be given a chance to even put their case forward.

 January this year saw the ban on civil partnerships being held in religious places be uplifted. The move was welcomed, not only by individual campaigners but religious organizations – amongst others, Liberal Jews, Quakers and Unitarians. Eight months later, as each major Party applauds the announced commission, the idea of offering the same for marriage has not even been mentioned.

There is, contrary to claims of equality, clear inequality being maintained between two sets of people – one that instead of ending the distinction between unions creates just another form of division.

Lesbian and gay couples are being given their own brand of marriage, with the other choice-holding sort saved for heterosexuals.

Granted a religious element if they opt for a civil partnership, if instead marriage is chosen, the option is taken from them. That civil partnerships are permitted to have religious involvement ironically furthers the sense of segregation – it being solely for homosexuals and thus a union of lesser importance not in need of protection.

Marriage is being offered to gay people but with a condition, and does so ensuring it remains closed-off, the proper institution that will not be tainted.

It should be little surprise that in the fight for equality and respect for all shapes of family, David Cameron would end up failing. The man who as recently as 2003 voted against the repeal of Section 28, Cameron is now said to be “emphatically in favour” of gay marriage, seemingly having lost his bigotry one night in the past eight years.

There’s a need for honesty – not simply in the Coalition’s motivations (a timely gift to the Lib Dems presented as a change in morality) but what it is that the commission is actually offering. Those expected to look closer are failing, with Ed Miliband, traditionally outspoken on LGBT rights, having now fallen silent.

To permit same-sex couples to marry is a key step in the right direction but without allowing the option of religion it is a falsity to dress it up as anything remotely equal. It is marriage inequality between unequals – and as the grown-ups in each Party applaud themselves for their toleration, that should not be forgotten.

**As featured on Liberal Conspiracy  

NEW FOR TOPMAN WINTER ’11 FASHION COMES ‘MISOGYNY CHIC’, PLUM SHADES SLOTTING between the heady glamour of wife beating and comparing your girlfriend to a dog.

To many, the concern is how clothing with unapologetically misogynistic branding had ever been put on sale. To Brendan O’Neill, it is that removing them from the hangers is an act that sees the “controlling and censoring of men”.

Faced with the selling of t-shirts with the slogans “You provoked me” or “What breed is she?”, what really matters is over-sensitive women robbing a man of his freedom to dress like a fool.

“The dumping ground for society’s killjoys and miserabilists”, feminists, according to O’Neill, just didn’t get the wit, willfully refusing to find the funny side of trivializing domestic violence or being dubbed less than human.

In doing so, he reaffirmed women’s place as the only group to suffer harassment whilst being told it is their fault for not getting the joke. We were pressed, not for the first time, to ‘stop going on’ about it, to attempt to overcome the sense of humour bypass that comes with having breasts.

More than one in four women will be abused by a partner at some point in their life. 100 women will be murdered this year, by someone that sleeps in their bed.

The men that come home to punch, ridicule, or rape don’t do so because of what’s sitting in their wardrobe. And contrary to O’Neill’s distortions, no one is claiming that they do.

Adorning a hateful t-shirt does not transform a boy into an abuser. As the top snakes over his head, his mind is not in an instant contaminated by the slogan’s stain. He is though given yet one more societal hint that these are crimes to be trivialised – as the young girl next to him is given another to teach her these are not matters over which she should make a fuss.

There is something deeply disturbing in taking the abuse of women – prevalent, and growing, and real – and making it into something consumable, to produce a profit and a self-congratulatory laddish laugh.

This is the problem, despite what O’Neill states – not that women aren’t able to see the lighter side of domestic violence, but that we exist in a culture that would dare suggest we should. It’s a warped hatefulness littered through O’Neill’s own reasoning, never more prevalent than when finding hypocrisy in feminists who have campaigned for permission to dress like “slags.”

His choice of words says plenty, as does comparing a woman’s fight for the right to dress as she wants without risk of rape to a man’s right to dress in a way that takes the same crime and makes it a joke.

Women hating clothes aren’t the direct cause of a misogynistic society, but they are without doubt one of the many symptoms of the disease. To the outrage of some, this particular symptom has been quashed.

O’Neill really needn’t panic over not having a t-shirt to announce he’s full of anti-woman bile. He can do that all on his own.

 

WITH PREJUDICE DRESSED AS FACT AND AN UNDEMOCRATIC SWAY, THE ANTI-ABORTION  agenda is back and packing full clout. Without parliamentary debate, The Department of Health announced yesterday that clinics and medical practitioners would be stripped of their exclusive role in counselling women seeking terminations. Bent to the pressure of anti-choice lobbyists, it will be compulsory for women to be offered additional counselling, dubbed by key supporter Nadine Dorries and co as ‘independent’.

Current counselling, this move not only infers but outwardly states, is biased. Those giving therapy to women considering an abortion are, as we speak, putting a desire to make money over their responsibility of care. Control over reproduction is a commodity and those giving advice on the ‘purchase’ are the equivalent of second hand car dealers and the enthusiastic assistants in Topshop who tell you that dress looks great. Charity run services such as the British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS) are plagued, it is said, by an inherent conflict of interest in their advising of women – they have a financial incentive to actively encourage terminations.

There is of course, no evidence to support any part of this, but rather simply a range of conjecture based on ideological ignorance. Dorries’ claim that clinic counsellors encourage women to have abortions in order to make their bosses’ the maximum profit sits next to her ‘Hand of Hope’ myth as being nothing more than a damaging lie. A fan of falsities and confused science, she is clearly no stranger to fabrication, but it’s nothing short of terrifying that what was once rantings is now the basis of policy changes.

The idea that there is a need for an ‘independent’ alternative to existing provisions is entirely without factual basis. Not only does it depict a view of current therapy that is offensively prejudiced but it disingenuously presents the proposed additions as without an agenda. There’s an irony – funny if it were not so distasteful – in that the accusation that pro-choice therapists are riddled with bias stems from the anti-abortionist’s attempt to spread their own. By claiming that with ‘independent counselling’, 60,000 of the 200,000 abortions each year could be prevented, their purpose is unashamedly clear: use additional therapy to reduce the number of women choosing an abortion. This is not independence but the very politically biased ulterior motives that they falsely accuse pro-choice therapists of holding. As Education for Choice have found, therapists charged with discussing options who are ideologically opposed to abortion are already a disturbing problem – one that introducing ‘additional counselling’ risks compounding.

Dorries, after all, counts Dr. Paul Saunders as a key advisor – head of the Christian Medical Fellowship and the man who led the anti-abortion campaign Alive and Kicking. A fear that drives his work is the risk that abortion is becoming “convenient”, and indeed with these proposals, the process can be made more difficult. The thought process lurking behind this move is the sort of prescriptive patronising attitude to women’s reproductive rights that treats us as children, not only essentially whores but ones that need a lesson. Women are viewed as needing instruction, unable to make the ‘correct’ decision without additional persuasion. Deliberately, the move aims to drag the decision process out, with the implication that if a woman’s choice cannot be curtailed, it must at least be slowed. Such tactics at best add further strain to those seeking a termination and at worst, due to time delays, risk their ability to have one. They are, of course, literal tactics; the sort relied on by US anti-choice campaigners who, unable to ban abortion, dedicate their energy to interfering in the process. It’s a method that instead of debating ethics with honest thought disguises an anti-abortion agenda as a form of ‘help’.

If Dorries and friends were truly concerned with helping women they would treat them with respect, not as individuals who need protection from their own choices and their rights diluted. If she held a genuine desire to empower she would, rather than campaigning for additional therapy, put an end to her support for welfare cuts and hysterical opposition to sex education.    

Masking an anti-choice agenda in a term she makes a mockery of, Dorries has the nerve to state “This is a women’s rights issue.” She is correct (though clearly, not for the reasons she intends). In being a move that threatens to dilute a woman’s right to choose and drag hard-fought progress back twenty years, this is a woman’s rights issues – and one that in announcing their support for change, the Government takes the wrong side on.

I ALWAYS SAID IT WAS MY PARENT’S FAULT. EVERYTHING, THAT IS, BUT TO NARROW IT DOWN specifically – the failings of my brain. The ruinous rejection from Cambridge and every stage of incompetence before and there after sits firmly on their shoulders, though some comfort can be gained in that they didn’t actually have a choice. It was all in the genes.

Nature versus nurture is an old debate, one regurgitated this week in a new study reminding us of the power of genes in how well we think: genetic difference, it was reinforced, accounts for up to half of the variation between people in IQ. That’s one for Team Nature – or perhaps a tie?

Flattened by the sense of inevitability that comes with talk of inheritance, it’s easy to lose sight of a glaring fact: if half of how smart we are is down to genes, half of it is not. It’s easy, because it’s convenient. Placated with the ‘proof’ that a child’s ability is pre-determined and fixed, there is little reason to concern ourselves with the depths of deprivation that run through society and education. We did not cause the inequality, there is no chance to address it, and things, we can content the conscious with, sit exactly as they should do.

It would be to grotesquely misuse these studies if we were to latch on to them to encourage a
lack of social action, to allow progress in genetic understanding to inhibit progress as a humane society. Focusing on the passing down of IQ risks encouraging a comfort with the status quo, a mindset of what fate seals us to and not what we can do. Determinism quickly turns to
acceptability, and there is nothing in the pandemic of inequality that we should accept lightly. Inequality exists. We can think of it as an immovable plight dealt by an invisible hand or we can think of it as a stain largely created by man, set out by society and therefore entirely open to change.

It isn’t just genes that we inherit from our family, after all, but money, support, and aspiration – vastly
different levels depending on the luck of the draw. They are social rather than biological constructs but, like genetics, ones to which we are born. Each will help shape a child, not only in the ability they show, but the effort they make, and what the depths of their mind tell them they can be. The power of this type of familial inheritance is pervasive and too often exacerbated by entrenched educational disadvantage rather than improved by a fair system designed to equalize it. Genetics and environment play together daily and we cannot ignore the way in which holding an advantage in one affects the other. If we desire it, addressing the vast inequalities in society will in turn start to address the vast inequalities that emerge in achievement. If, that is, we desire it.

There is something about merit (as it is known to the meritocracy crowd) that presents a naturalness to inequality that would otherwise be seen as unjust, that lets this cause of ‘have and haves not’ reign – not simply ignoring its effects but actively encouraging them to bloom. Intelligence, at the core, is largely down to luck, whether it stems from how rich our parents are in genes or in wealth, and any part nature plays does not do so in isolation from the environment society creates.

It is a point that takes on different significance this week, as talk of blame and causation seeps through the riot flames. These events are far from as simple as a matter of ‘intelligence’ (taken separately from the necessity of education), and the complexity of the origins of such destruction was not intended to be explored here. There is an aching relevance though, as a burnt society scrambles to make sense of anger and waste, in convincing ourselves of comforting fairy-tales, that some are just born ‘bad’ or that their (lack of) nurture is something only their parents had a hand in.

We do as we choose, we achieve only what we strive for, but we fool ourselves to suggest this is done in isolation, that it is not us as a society that creates the conditions within which we each take our strides. Only in acknowledging this can a mutual sense of responsibility be embraced and the vast gap in achievement between children and young people start to sufficiently be addressed. No child is destined to fail, and it would be truly stupid to convince ourselves they were.

 

THE PEOPLE HAVE SPOKEN AND THEY SAY: “HANG ‘UM, HANG ‘UM ALL!” OR TYPED IT, this is the time of e-petition politics you know. Do not concern yourself with tiresome matters of ethics and human rights. This is democracy at work, nay in its finest form, and we must thank the brains behind the concept – giving state murder fans a voice at last – for this modern day reimaging of Athenian democracy.  “People have strong opinions and it does not serve democracy well if we ignore them or pretend that their views do not exist,” announced House of Commons leader Sir George Young last week, in a back-to-basics lesson on how to be a political representative: the humans you see when you fancy a trip to the constituency office are not in fact rented waifs and strays but your electorate and it is an idea to at least pretend you’re listening when they talk.

Thanks to the launch of the site this tiresome ritual of communication is no longer even a necessity, at least not face to face. Index fingers can point furiously at a key board – or to save energy, see a petition one likes the look of, nod angrily, and simply type a name – and a MP can now survey the results without ever needing to be in an unelected official’s presence, statistics helpfully ranking a range of topics into general levels of fury. At present, on the ‘miffed’ scale, 25 people very much want to Stop Pedophiles Access To Children (sic) (figures as yet undisclosed on the number wanting to Increase Access) whilst on the ‘vein popping’ scale, 11,832 would like to Keep Formula 1 Free To Air in the UK. Nothing has garnered more support though than the reinstatement of capital punishment, proving once and for all that in the midst of worldwide economic downturn, war, and domestic discontent, this is the number one public concern. Or it’s the topic that can most easily play to quick-fire reactionary outcries and the manipulation by right wing internet bloggers. One or the other.

If the signatures on the petition hits 100,000, as we now know, the issue will be gets its day in Parliament. It won’t get you a change in the law, but it will get you an expensive and drawn-out (largely ignored in detail unless you take the day off to watch, or find the number for, BBC Parliament) conversation about why they won’t be changing the law. The state’s right to kill its citizens may appear to be the perfect winner for the first X factor style legislator but I fear away from the land of e-petitions it might lose some of its vengeful charm. Like in all matters, Parliament can only serve to be a disappointment, adding terrible awkward facts to otherwise fine points of support like the death penalty’s effectiveness in being a deterrent and reducer of costs. This is before anyone even mentions the annoying lack of negotiability in human rights (they don’t in fact disappear when you aren’t the sort of human we like) or the way in which EU law on capital punishment makes any changes to ours most likely impossible and as such the whole thing somewhat pointless. It’s not about the result, Dermot O’Leary embodiment Sir George will tell the crowds as their winner falls – it’s about the journey.

When it reaches debate only to be defeated, those for it will feel more outraged at the elite ‘ignoring public opinion’ than ever, and those against it will feel slighted that Parliament credited it by giving time to such a topic in the first place. Democracy electronic style. Everyone’s a winner.

(This post falls under the ‘If you didn’t laugh, you’d cry’ category)

IF REASONABLY ENGAGED (OR IN POSSESSION OF ANGER ISSUES), OFTEN A NEWS STORY will emerge that makes you want to tear your hair whilst squinting out melodramatic tears for the state of society (usually as opposition, but having close resemblance to, a Daily Mail ‘Won’t Someone Think of the Children!’ exclamation). Every now and again though, another will come along a month later that tells you, actually, this might just work out in the end. Maybe. When it comes to evangelical religion versus sexuality, that’s the position I’m currently finding myself in.

Prejudice and discrimination are clearly horrid little creatures, lurking attempts at hateful inequality that put a stain on an otherwise tolerant nation. The stain gets considerably darker though when said discrimination is sanctioned by a body commissioned by the state, one aiming to have legal ramifications with the courts. This is what occurred last month when the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) announced its u-turn to intervene in the cases of two Christian workers, penalised for refusing to assist gay customers

The move was part of a wider argument by the EHRC, housed under the general claim that judges have interpreted the law too narrowly in religion discrimination claims – a laudable idea in certain contexts, be it the wearing of harmless jewellery or the changing of a shift to accommodate a religious holiday. It soon turned from laudable to disturbing, however, when its umbrella view was seen to encompass the cases of Gary McFarlane and Lilian Ladele, sacked and disciplined for refusing to conduct sex-therapy and civil partnerships for gay people, respectfully.

It’s here where the Commission’s view became a danger, where protecting the rights of one group resulted in impinging painfully on those of another. The EHRC spoke of the need for “reasonable accommodations” and “compromise”, ignoring that when it comes to conflicting minority rights, these are impossible aims. I was pleased this week, then, to hear of (another) back-track, with Angela Mason (the body’s only LGBT commissioner) stating that if the commission were to continue with the intervention, they would not be putting forward ‘reasonable adjustment’ arguments. At Last. It was clear from the offset that no compromise is possible between two areas of equality that fundamentally differ: the liberty of a gay citizen to use a public service and the liberty of a religious citizen to refuse to give it. A side sadly must be chosen, and contrary to the EHRC’s original move, it must not be the one based in choice and discrimination. That homophobia or intolerance is shrouded in the protection of religious belief neither makes it any more acceptable nor any less damaging. It is the sanctioning of employees to turn away tax-paying users of a public service. Dressing it up in the defence of religion makes very little difference. The blow to a troubled couple refused counseling or a happy couple refused a civil union is not diminished when quietly explained to be due to religious reasons. It does not cease to be discrimination when accounted to a Godly belief found in scripture rather than a belief in an ugly chant heard in the playground.

To state otherwise is to commit to a disturbing message, and one that sets itself on a slippery slope. If I were sexist, may I refuse to marry a woman unless she accepts her husband’s name, or racist, could I ask a colleague to deal with any couple that threatens to ‘mix the whites’ through procreation? These are beliefs, after all, and ones no different than those expressed in the cases making reference to gay people. If they were supported by the (interpreted) teachings of a mainstream religion, would the acts find themselves defended by the EHRC’s mantra? Would they have ever sought ‘reasonable accommodations’ here? Sense would suggest otherwise – though when it comes to responses to sexuality, we are used to setting expectations uniquely lower. Though still needing action to follow, Angela Mason’s words suggest the EHRC are asking us to expect better. After a stumbling start, it could yet fulfill its role of righting the wrongs of inequality rather than pandering to them. We shall see.

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